Draft The wording, numbers and structure of this page are still being revised and will change.
“We already tax property, capital gains and inheritance. We don't need a wealth tax too.”
Property, gains and inheritance taxes are different taxes from a wealth tax, and France lost €3 billion finding out
When France replaced its wealth tax with a tax on real estate alone, the state's own evaluators put the loss at €3.1 billion in 2018, and two thirds of former payers owed nothing. In Norway and Germany the top of the wealth distribution holds private business shares, not homes, and Sweden's tax fell on bank accounts, funds and houses while the biggest company owners sat outside it.
These four taxes have different names for a reason. Each is charged on something else, at a different moment, and none of them is a tax on what a person owns.
#What each one reaches
A property tax is a yearly tax on land and buildings.[5] The largest fortunes aren't held there. In Norway most of the wealth at the top is shares in private businesses.[2] In Germany, real estate, businesses and corporate shares dominate the top wealth strata, and only the first of those is something a property tax can see.[6] A property tax reaches the homes in that mix and none of the shares.
A capital gains tax is charged when an asset is sold, like income taxes in general, which are normally charged when income is realised.[5] A gain on an asset that is never sold is never charged. The largest holdings aren't sold, so a tax on gains waits for a sale that doesn't come.
An inheritance tax is charged once, at death, on what is in the estate. The OECD says there is a strong case for having one alongside a wealth tax.[5] It's a different tool, aimed at transfers. In the United States, to take one measured case, the 400 richest people who died in one study paid 0.8% of their wealth in estate tax if married and 7% if single.[9]
A net wealth tax is charged on the whole stock, net of debts, every year. The OECD sets it apart from taxes on capital income and taxes on wealth transfers, and notes that, unlike a property tax, it covers a broad range of property with debts deductible.[5]
#What happens when a property tax stands in
France ran the experiment. Until 2017 it had the ISF, a wealth tax. In 2018 it replaced it with a tax on real estate above €1.3 million. The ISF raised €4.2 billion in 2017. The new tax raised €1.29 billion in 2018, and the state's evaluators put the loss at €3.1 billion that year.[1][7] Two thirds of the households that paid the ISF owed nothing under the new tax, and across all former payers the average bill fell from €8,000 in 2017 to €1,600 in 2018.[1]
A real estate tax reaches real estate. The households that paid the ISF held their wealth elsewhere, and the replacement didn't reach it.
Norway and Sweden show the same thing from the other side. Norway's tax values a primary home at only a quarter of its assessed value, a 75% discount, while shares get a 20% discount.[3] Sweden's repealed tax fell on bank accounts, funds and houses, while the exemption for unlisted shares left the owners of the largest private companies outside it, and the equality commission calls that strongly regressive because the largest fortunes consist so largely of unlisted shares.[4] In both countries what a tax reached depended on what the law counted, and a property tax counts no shares.
#They work together
The OECD doesn't see the taxes as rivals. It says there is a strong case for an inheritance tax alongside a wealth tax, and that the case for a wealth tax is strongest where broad taxes on personal capital income and on inheritances are missing.[5] The Mirrlees Review in Britain argued against the annual tax.[8] On what the taxes are, everyone agrees: separate tools, aimed at separate bases.
A gains tax charged only on sale is not a broad tax on capital income at the top, in the countries where the effective rates there have been measured.[2][9] The OECD's condition for a wealth tax is met.
#What follows
A wealth tax fills the gap the others leave. It's charged every year on the shares and private companies where the largest holdings sit, whether or not anything is sold or inherited. It sits beside a property tax on homes, a gains tax on sales and an inheritance tax at death. A country that has the other three loses nothing by adding the fourth.
#Who says so
The French story covers the ISF and the 2018 replacement in detail. The Swedish story and the Norwegian story cover what their taxes counted, and the first page in this series sets out what each tax reaches.
#Where to look next
The next page takes up the claim that a wealth tax will kill family firms and farms. The French story holds the sources for the figures on this page.
#Sources
- [1] France Stratégie, Comité d'évaluation des réformes de la fiscalité du capital, Avis du comité (9 October 2023) ↗
- [2] Ring, Seim and Zucman, Personal Holding Companies, Tax Progressivity, and Inequality, NBER Working Paper 35534 (July 2026, not peer reviewed) ↗
- [3] Skatteetaten, Satser for formuesskatt, valuation discounts (verdsettingsrabatt) for 2025 and 2026 ↗
- [4] Jämlikhetskommissionen, En gemensam angelägenhet, SOU 2020:46, part 2, chapter 28 ↗
- [5] OECD, The Role and Design of Net Wealth Taxes in the OECD, OECD Tax Policy Studies (2018), executive summary and chapters 1, 3 and 5 ↗
- [6] Bach, Thiemann and Zucco, Looking for the Missing Rich, Tracing the Top Tail of the Wealth Distribution, DIW Discussion Paper 1717 (January 2018) ↗
- [7] France Stratégie, Comité d'évaluation des réformes de la fiscalité du capital, Rapport final (October 2023) ↗
- [8] Mirrlees et al., Tax by Design, Institute for Fiscal Studies (2011), chapter 15 ↗
- [9] Balkir, Saez, Yagan and Zucman, How Much Tax Do US Billionaires Pay? Evidence from Administrative Data, NBER Working Paper 34170 (August 2025, not peer reviewed) ↗